THE TUMBAS FRANCESAS SOCIETIES IN CUBA 

By Alexandrine Boudreault-Fournier

Abstract: This essay is concerned with the tumbas francesas, originally mutual aid, religious and recreational societies developed in Cuba after the massive Haitian-French immigration which occurred at the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century. The tumbas francesas are the result of different transculturations or processes of syncretism occurring first in Haiti and finally, in Cuba. I look at some of its particularities such as its dances, its songs, its music and its role reversal nature. Finally, I discuss the fact that since the 1990s, the tumbas francesas are under major changes due to economic and political pressures. The tumbas francesas have become pure tourist attractions. This essay is essentially based on a fieldwork realized in Cuba in July and August 2000 and on secondary sources.

In July and August 2000, I had the opportunity to participate in a fieldwork project on Haitian descendants in eastern Cuba. The main goal of this fieldwork was to gather sociolinguistic data on Haitian descendants: first and second generations of the massive Haitian immigration which occurred in the 1920s. We wanted to observe the influence of the dominant Spanish language on Haitian Creole. We also wanted to look at the possible formation of a Cuban patois as reported by Isabel Martinez Gordo (1989). Since most of the time I was in a Haitian milieu, I also had the opportunity to observe a particular cultural manifestation called the tumba francesa which has its roots in the first Haitian slave immigration to Cuba occurring at the end of the 18th century and at the beginning of the 19th century. During this fieldwork, I gathered data on the tumba francesa society and I also attended a ceremony of one of the last surviving tumba francesa institutions in Cuba: the Society of Guantanamo, better known as La Pompadu Society. In Cuba, I went to libraries and to archive centers in search for information on tumba francesa societies. I also had the opportunity to interview descendants of Haitian immigrants to Cuba. I rapidly understood that the tumbas francesas were more than a simple artistic manifestation but were rather a phenomenon resulting from a complex hotchpotch of ideas, beliefs, historic pressures, practices, influences and of different forms of art.

The tumba francesa ceremony, still practiced today in the eastern part of Cuba, can be considered the result of different stages of transculturation in Haiti and in Cuba. Particularly, these societies are a result of cultural exchanges between two previously transculturate cultures: Afro-Cuban and Afro-Haitian. The tumbas francesas, which were initially brotherhoods or institutions, were defined as benefit societies which also organized celebrations on different days of the year (Yacou 1996: 82-83; Martinez Gordo 1985: 34). However since the Cuban Revolution, their economic function of mutual assistance became obsolete (Rodriguez 1991: 75). Nevertheless, their art forms, their songs and their beliefs persist in two societies both situated in the easternmost part of Cuba, one of them called Santa Catalina de Riccis, better know as La Pompadu in the city of Guantanamo and the other, La Caridad in Santiago de Cuba. Following the example of the cabildos, the tumbas francesas were formed in the urban and semi-urban areas by the first generation of immigrants, at the end of the 18th century (Rodriguez 1991: 79). These Societies which were a type of cabildos have their origin in the transculturation between Afro-Cuban and Afro-Haitian cultures. Cabildos are defined as slaves' brotherhoods found in Spanish colonies. These are known as "mutual aid associations and social clubs ... societies of free and enslaved blacks from the same African ‘nation,’ which later included their Cuban-born descendants" (Rounder Records 1994). This definition agrees with the ones written by Pichardo and Miguel (both reported by Tamames 1955: 26): the tumbas francesas societies were a type of Cuban cabildos (Alén 1991: 79; Tamames 1955: 26).

I will first define the concept of transculturation (from the Spanish word transculturacion) developed by the Cuban ethnologist Fernando Ortiz at the end of the 1940s and I will compare it to the angloamerican concepts of syncretism and acculturation. I will outline differences between both concepts and explain why the concept of ‘transculturation’ is more appropriate when we refer to the Cuban phenomenon of the tumba francesa. It will allow me to develop further the phenomenon of the tumbas francesas and at the same time it will also allow me to make references to the general anthropological understanding of cultural contacts and influences through massive immigration. I will refer to social and religious syncretism and transculturation in the Caribbean such as Voodoo and Santeria. I will explain the origin of the tumba francesa societies and their relation to the Cuban society. I will point out the evolution of these societies from the time and in the context in which they appeared to the present day. It is important to mention that the tumba francesa institutions did not appear in Haïti but were a result of contacts between Haitian slaves with Cuban slaves. Historical pressures and Afro-Cuban influences also played a role. I will refer to the French Aristocracy, the pre-Revolutionary courts and the social control of slave societies in Haïti. In Haïti, the African slaves had contact with the French way of living and with the language. This first transculturation between French and Haitians was essential for the formation of the tumbas francesas in Cuba since these societies and their ceremonies were highly influenced by the French culture of the 18th century. I will refer to the Haitian Revolution and to the immigration of sugar cane and coffee plantation owners as well as their slaves in the eastern part of Cuba more particularly in the regions of Santiago de Cuba and Guantanamo. It is important to mention that when Haitian slaves arrived in Cuba, they already had dances, songs and a particular language that was a result of the first transculturation. However, the tumba francesa societies did not exist in Haiti. These institutions developed in Cuba.

I will refer to sugar cane and coffee plantations, in the context of the Republic of Cuba, the Cuban Revolution of 1959 and the economic crisis of the1990s that pushed the Cuban government to develop the tourist industry. I will explain the roles these societies played in the everyday life of the slaves, of the black freed men and to a certain extent, of some Hispano-Cubans. This part will show in what context the tumbas francesas developed in Cuba as original artistic, religious, mutual aid and recreational institutions.

I will give a description of the tumba francesa of La Pompadu [1] based on the observations I collected during my fieldwork. This section is essentially based on my fieldwork experience in Cuba. I will refer to the dances, the songs, the music, drums and to some of the particular practices which belong to the ceremony and to the participants such as ‘social transgression’ and ‘role reversal’. I will demonstrate that these cultural and artistic manifestations are a result of different cultural transculturations. I will support my observations with secondary sources written by anthropologists who observed and described ceremonies of tumbas francesas and others such as Victor Turner who studied such concept as ‘role reversal’. It is important to mention here that my analysis of the tumbas francesas is far from being complete. I chose to focus my analysis on some of its particularities. I will not discuss all the aspects of the ceremony and the institution. For instance, I will not develop the aspect of the election and hierarchy found in the tumbas francesas. Obviously, this choice was influenced by my own interests and my own biases.

I will also show that since the Cuban Revolution of 1959, tumba francesa societies have lost their primary function, which was one of mutual assistance. As explained by Alen, “The recreational and artistic activities of the tumba francesa groups have also been encouraged such that they now form a familiar sight at frequent folkloric festivals in eastern Cuba” (1991: 75). I contend that the tumba francesa ceremony is no more associated with the Haitian descendant communities since it became a folklorist attraction for tourists. Contrary to what Yacou (1996) and Alen (1991) contend, the use of the creole language in a free and improvisational way during the ceremonies does not persist since the participants do not speak it fluently or at all. I will refer to cultural appropriation and the concept of authenticity. However, I will state that the tumbas francesas are still important for the Cuban community since these societies organize festivities, ceremonies and dances for Cubans who are interested in joining the group. In that sense, the transculturation of the tumbas francesas is still going on (Rodriguez 1991: 84).

1. Transculturation, Syncretism, Assimilation and Acculturation

In the following section I will discuss the concepts of transculturation, syncretism, assimilation and acculturation. According to some readers, this etymological search for ‘le mot juste’ could be perceived as a waste of time. However, I think that the right terminological use of words is important because it influences the way one conveys information. In using a particular word, one is also transmitting a semantic content which could influence what the author really wants to convey. In this section, I will show that the use of the word “transculturation” is more appropriate than syncretism, assimilation and acculturation in referring to the phenomenon of the tumba francesa in Cuba. The word transculturation was first defined by Fernando Ortiz, a Cuban ethnologist. This term was widely used by many other Cuban authors (Figarola 2000; Houndefo 2000; Gordo 1983, 1984; Alen 1977, 1991; Farinas 1994, etc) and by outsiders (Yacou 1996; Nepveu 1989; Lamore 1987). ‘Transculturation’ is a concept which is appropriate to the Cuban context and is accepted and referred to by Cuban intellectuals. As Figarola explains, “La historia, nuestra historia, es decir, el Proceso de la Cubania, es el escenario general y propio de la transculturacion” (2000:6) [History, our history, in other words, the process of ‘becoming Cuban’, is the right and general framework of transculturation (My translation)] [2] .

The concepts of acculturation, assimilation and syncretism are still used in the social sciences to express the results of cultural and religious contacts between two or more cultures (for example see De Heusch 1989). However, some authors (Ortiz 1947, Malinowski 1947, Pérez y Mena 1998) started to question the validity of these Eurocentric concepts popularized among others by Herskovits in his article “American Gods and Catholic Saints in New World Negro Belief” (1937). Syncretism is defined as “cultural blends that emerge from acculturation” (Kottak 1996: 453) particularly under colonialism. In other words, it is a process of merging and of synthesis between different cultural items that become one. It implies the contact of a ‘dominant’ culture with a ‘subordinate’ one as in the concept of assimilation. Syncretism does not refer exclusively to religious mixtures but can also refer to artistic, culinary or other domains of the culture. However, the concept of syncretism “is a model of analysis that denies the enslaved a consciousness of their predicament in the New World” (Pérez y Mena 1998: 15). According to Pérez y Mena, the fact of merging two different cultures in one is viewed as unconsciously created (1998: 16). The immigrants are then viewed as passive actors in the process of assimilation, syncretism and acculturation.

Carribbean voodoo and Cuban Santeria are often referred to as examples of religious syncretism, more particularly of Christian syncretism. The voodoo Christian syncretism could mean for some scholars such as Herskovits (1937) that the believers unconsciously combine the Catholic Church’s European saints with Dahomean and Senagambean deities. The religious blending in voodoo is in fact a syncretized iconography (Pérez y Mena 1998: 18). However, voodoo cults are far more complex and the Christian syncretism is but a surface aspect of voodoo (De Heusch 1989:290). The iconographic syncretism hides important historical and socioeconomic pressures. For example, the slaves in the cabildos received orders from the colonial authorities to disguise the African, Afro-Haitian or Afro-Cuban deities in Catholic saints (Pérez y Mena 1998:17; Alen 1991:79; Tamames 1955: 26). We tend to forget, with the use of the syncretic concept that the relations between two different cultures is a dynamic social phenomenon and that “Any religion, including Christianity, is ultimately a syncretic phenomenon” (De Heusch 1989: 292). This idea brings me to the fact that syncretism and acculturation are Eurocentric and to a certain extent static models.

The word acculturation contains many undesirable etymological meanings, “It is an ethnocentric word with a moral connotation” (Malinowski in Ortiz 1947: x). According to Malinowski, this term implies that “The immigrant has to acculturate himself; so do the natives, pagan or heathen, barbarian or savage, who enjoy the benefits of being under the sway of our great Western culture” (Malinowski in Ortiz 1947: x). In addition to being Eurocentric, the Cuban author James also adds that the term acculturation has racist connotations (2000: 4). The word assimilation is not more appropriate in referring to the Cuban context since it denies that a culture has kept cultural particularities. This term implies the fact that a minority ethnic group “is incorporated into the dominant culture to the point that it no longer exists as a separate cultural unit” (Kottak 1997: 53). The word syncretism also has Eurocentric etymological referents. Pérez y Mena states that “at the center of religious syncretism is a Eurocentric presumption that Africans lacked an awareness of their predicament and were overwhelmed by the institutions of enslavement” (1998: 23). Acculturation, assimilation and syncretism imply that there is a passive adaptation from the part of an immigrant group. However, it is clear that both groups are going to be influenced by each other and that the process will be an active one between the groups in contact. This aspect which is lacking in the etymological connotations of acculturation, assimilation and syncretism is however an important aspect associated with the concept of transculturation since this term can be perceived as “a system of give and take” (Malinowski in Ortiz 1947: xi). From this cultural exchanges emerge a new phenomenon, original and independent (Lamore 1987: 19). Malinowski writes,

To describe this process the word trans-culturation, stemming from Latin roots, provides us with a term that does not contain the implication of one certain culture toward which the other must tend, but an exchange between two cultures, both of them active, both contributing their share, and both co-operating to bring about a new reality of civilization. (In Ortiz 1947: xi). 

Ortiz, supported by the scholarly authority of Malinowski, chose the word transculturation to replace various expressions such as “cultural exchange”, “acculturation”, “diffusion”, “migration” or “osmosis of culture” and others that they considered inadequate (in Ortiz 1947: ix). According to Ortiz, the word trransculturation is a more fitting term than acculturation because it expresses

the highly varied phenomena that have come about in Cuba as a result of the extremely complex transmutations of culture that have taken place here, and without a knowledge of which it is impossible to understand the evolution of the Cuban folk, either in the economic or in the institutional, legal, ethical, religious, artistic, linguistic, psychological, sexual, or other aspects of its life. (1947: 98) 

According to Ortiz, transculturation signifies more than acquiring another culture as the English term acculturation implies. It means more than a simple blending of heterogeneous aspects (Houmdefo 2000). Ortiz explains that the process of transculturation involves “the loss or uprooting of a previous culture, which could be defined as a “deculturation”. In addition it carries the idea of the consequent creation of new cultural phenomena, which could be called "neoculturation" (Ortiz 1947: 102-103). Contrary to the term syncretism that suggests a result, an end, transculturation is perceived as a movement, which is always progressing. James writes that the movements which is intended in the term transculturation “es constante, más rápido o más lento, pero ininterrumpido y los resultados siempre son relativos, como puntos referenciales dentro del movimiento, que valen en la medida en que cambian los sentidos o las velocidades del movimiento” (2000:4) [is constant, faster or slower, but continuous and the results are always relative, like points of reference inside of a movement that fits the changes of direction or speed of the movement] (My translation).

For Ortiz and other authors, the process of transculturation is a never-ending one. In the case of the tumba francesa the process of transculturation is still going on. Musicians, singers and dancers influenced by current styles of Cuban music integrate them in the tumba francesa ceremonies (Alen 1977: 208-209 &1991: 79). The process is continuing “and becomes generalized to the point where the entire society becomes transculturalized and eventually enters a new cultural realm” (Pérez y Mena 1998: 17). I do not agree entirely on that point since the cultural influences and variations cannot be easily observed from a global perspective. It is difficult to contend that a particular cultural or religious phenomenon has finished a first stage of transculturation for example. However, it is true that we can draw conclusions on past events and influences and contend that a particular phenomenon has passed through different stages or different types of transculturations. These conclusions should not be seen as definitive but rather speculative and relative.

Despite the fact that the concept of transculturation is not free of critics (Pérez y Mena 1998 for example), it implies interesting notions that will help me to analyze different aspects of the tumba francesa. Also, this term is often referred to by Cuban authors and I contend that it is a fairly well accepted term in the sphere of Cuban social sciences and in the Caribbean in general. The concept of transculturation and contact between cultures is not as simple as it would seem and sometimes we tend to simplify the different sources of different cultural influences. I am conscious of that problem and as I will demonstrate, it is sometimes difficult and even impossible to specify the source of some transcultural apects. For example, in the voodoo cult, many aspects found in the rituals come from cultural exchanges between diverse African cultures. Since the processes which bring about cultural contacts and exchanges between the slaves of different origins is quite complex and since it evolves in a new context which is Haiti, sometimes it is impossible to state which aspect of a voodoo ritual comes from a particular African culture. What I want to outline here is that the contacts between two or more cultures imply different complex phenomena that are sometimes impossible to analyze. Some of the aspects found in the tumba francesa are predominantly French-Haitian and others African. However, as I will show it is often difficult to state the specific or dominant origin of a particular aspect, belief or practice.

2- The Haitian Context

In the previous section, I developed the term transculturation and I showed that this term is more appropriate than ‘syncretism’, ‘assimilation’ and ‘acculturation’ to refer to the cultural interactions and exchanges between two or more cultural groups. Despite the fact that the word transculturation is often associated with Cuban cultural manifestations, I do not see any reason why this term could not be used to refer to other cultural contacts occurring for example in the Haitian context. In this section, I will demonstrate that a transculturation occurred in Haiti between different African cultural groups and the French culture during the 18th century. These groups were in contact in the coffee plantations and formed different neo-cultural manifestations such as voodoo, songs, dances and even a new language. This transculturation between Afro-Haitian groups and French-Haitian culture is important to mention because it explains the origin of the tumba francesa in Cuba and its artistic and religious manifestations. Despite the fact that no tumba francesa societies were formed in Haiti, most of its manifestations such as the dances, the songs, the language used in the ceremony and the music were developed in French Saint Domingue [3] . It has been impossible for me to find any evidence that the tumba francesa associations existed in Haiti. However, the songs and dances I observed in the tumba francesa of Guantanamo had predominantly French-Haitian influences.

By the 1740s, Saint Domingue became the most important colony of France (Hall 1971: 9). In Saint Domingue, the French developed an intense agricultural exploitation of coffee and to a certain extent of other products such as sugar. Countless numbers of slaves were brought from the West Coast of Africa to Saint Domingue to work in these coffee plantations owned by French aristocrats. Soon, Saint Domingue, known today as Haiti became an important economic actor for France, “St. Domingue became a fabulously wealthy colony in which, by 1789, nearly two-thirds of France’s foreign commercial interests were centered” (Hall 1971: 9).

The African slaves had contacts with their French masters. These contacts between different cultural groups gave birth to a transculturation that can be called: Afro-Haitian. The slaves observed their masters, their dances and their hierarchy and they actively integrated some of these practices in their own cosmogony. For example, the slaves observed the particular dances of their owners and adopted them in their own celebrations occurring on Saturday night and Sunday (Courlander 1973: 5; Ortiz 1988: 213; Carpentier 1946: 130). Actually, the slaves had the right to meet at those times to sing and dance to the sound of African drums on certain conditions: “sin salir de la finca, ni juntarse con los de otras, y haciéndolo en lugar abierto y a la vista de los mismos amos” (Ortiz 1988: 213) [without leaving the farm, nor meeting others from other farms, and performing it in open spaces in full view of their masters] (My translation). This was also a phenomenon observed in the sugar cane plantations in Cuba (Ortiz 1988: 213). Thus, the slaves adopted some of the practices of their masters such as the dances and transformed and integrated them in their own celebrations, “Los negros, imitando a los blancos, bailan minuès y contradanzas”(Moreau de Saint-Mery in Carpentier 1946: 125) [In imitating the whites, the blacks danced minuès and contradanza]. In Haiti, there were numerous dances of African origin which have been created in the island and others “which had been appropriated by the slaves from their masters” (Courlander 1973: 69). The minuès was a famous dance practiced by the French aristocrats in 18th century in France. Since the French aristocrats in Haiti were faithful to their King and to the aristocratic proprieties, they transported these practices in Haiti, “The last tie which bound the white planters to France was their attachment, real or imagined, to the French nobility and their veneration of the King of France” (Hall 1971: 97). Therefore, they continued to dance among other dances, the minuès. As I will show, the minuès' influence, found in one of the dances of the tumba francesa I observed in Guantanamo, is still obvious.

The transculturation in Saint Domingue gave birth to an interesting linguistic phenomenon that did not occur in Cuba between the African slaves and their Hispanic masters. In Saint Domingue, the slaves developed the Haitian Créole language to communicate between each other and with their masters. Most of the Haitian slaves were speaking a Haitian patois or Créole that is a direct linguistic derivative of the French language used by the French owners at this time. The Haitian Creole became the common language between the slaves but also between some of the white owners (Yacou 1996: 80). As reported by Courlander (1973), this linguistic phenomenon was present in the songs of the slaves in Haiti during ceremonies such as voodoo.

The control of the slave communities on the coffee plantations became a daily concern. The control of the slaves was important since this type of human labor exploitation was the base of the colony's economy. In some parts of Haïti and later in Cuba, there was a ratio of 10 to 20 slaves for one white or free man (Hall 1971: 15). In Haiti, the control of slaves was arduous and conflicts between coffee plantation owners and their slaves became frequent at the end of the 18th century. These conflicts finally exploded in the Haitian Revolution that occurred between 1791-1804. After 1791, the French owners were in danger in Haiti since the slaves were rebelling against their masters and against whites in general. Some aristocrats and their slaves went to New Orleans and other immigrated to Cuba because of its close geographic position to Saint Domingue (Carpentier 1946: 127). The French immigration to Cuba from Saint Domingue reached 18, 213 by January 31, 1804 (Hall1971: 126). According to other sources, more than 30, 000 Haitians immigrated to Cuba by the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century (Guerra 1971: 212). It is important to specify here that the French slave owners who immigrated in Cuba also brought their slaves with them (Alén 1991: 79; 1977: 193; Martinez 1999: 77; Carpentier 1946: 129; etc.). Therefore, the Haitian slaves or “negros franceses” came into contact with the Afro-Cuban slaves often on the coffee and sugar plantations. There are also a considerable amount of mulattos and freed men who immigrated to the eastern part of Cuba (Alén 1991: 79; Yacou1996: 80).

3- The Cuban Context

In the previous section, I broadly looked at the slave system of organization in Haiti and I showed that the Africans brought to Saint Domingue went through a process of transculturation with French culture. In this part, I will first show that another type of transculturation was also occurring simultaneously in Cuba with the African slaves and their Spanish masters. With the immigration of the Haitian slaves and their French masters to Cuba, another cultural contact occurred between Afro-Haitian and Afro-Cuban beliefs and practices in the slave communities (Alen 1977: 194). Later, this cultural contact gave birth to the tumba francesa associations that were structured on the lines of the Cuban cabildos.

From 1512 to 1925, more than one million Africans, and later Afro-Jamaicans and Afro-Haitians were brought to Cuba and were exploited for their labor in the sugar cane plantations (Pérez de la Riva 1997: 5). It is not however until the 19th century that we “can speak of a slave plantation system in Cuba” (Hall 1971: 12). This is partially due to “The Haitian Revolution of the 1790s (which) removed the sugar production of St. Domingue from the world market” (Hall 1971: 11). Therefore, in the 19th century, the Cuban economy emerged from the Haitian decline, mainly from the sugar monoculture exploitation (Alen 1977: 195-196). Cuba was transformed into the top world producer of sugar (Moreno 1976: 17). Because sugar plantations required a very large labor force, Cuba began to bring large amounts of African slaves unto the island. The slaves in the sugar cane plantations worked side by side with Africans of different origins. Fernando Ortiz stated that there were “over one hundred different African ethnic groups in 19th century Cuba" (Ortiz reported by Rounder Records 1994). This lead to a cultural blending. With the Spanish contact and the new Cuban context, the Afro-Cuban slaves developed particular cultural and religious manifestations such as the religion of La Regla de Ocha, better known as Santería.

As a consequence of the Haitian Revolution of 1791, many French, free blacks and slaves immigrated to the eastern part of Cuba, mostly in Santiago de Cuba and Guantanamo (Tamamès 1961: 12; Martinez 1983, 1999). The French and their slaves immigrated to the eastern part of Cuba because of its close geographic location to Haiti but also because of the possibility for the French masters to buy fields at a good price compared to the fields situated near La Habana (Alén 1977: 196). The French brought with them their agricultural knowledge of coffee cultivation and began to develop the ingenio or coffee plantation in Cuba. Actually, it is the French immigrants from Haïti who developed the coffee industry in Cuba (Hall 1971: 126; Alén 1977: 196; Yacou 1996: 80). French field owners also immigrated with their Afro-Haitian slaves, “Con los que huían de la insurrección haitiana, entraron en Cuba numerosos negros: unos por fidelidad a los amos, otros porque eran traídos como esclavos domésticos” (Carpentier 1946) [Blacks also immigrated with the ones that escaped the Haitian uprising: some did it for fidelity to their masters and others because they were brought as servants] (My translation). These Afro-Haitians were simply called francés in Cuba. Because the Cuban colonial authorities feared a slave revolution such as the one which exploded in Haiti, revealing Haitian origin would have been dangerous for the relations with the authorities (Alén 1977: 194). Therefore, Afro-Haitian slaves were simply called 'French'. As Ortiz explains, it was not only the Haitian immigrants who were called francés but also all their songs and their dances, [4]

Se les dijo franceses a los negros criollos haitianos, esclavos o libres, que ya estaban ladinos o “pasados”, “transculturados” diríamos nosotros, a la cultura de aquella colonia de Francia, hablando créole, cantando y bailando a imitación del mas elegante francés, petit maitre o petimetre, o “pepillo” como ahora diríamos [...] (Ortiz 1952-1955: v.IV, 117-118). 

[The Black Creole Haitians, the slaves or free men that were already ladinos or “pasados”, or as we would say transculturated with the French colony were named “franceses”. They were speaking Creole, singing and dancing an imitation of the elegant French, “petit maitre” or “petimetre”, or as we would say, “pepillo”] (My translation). 

The language of the Afro-Haitian slaves was also called ‘francès’. Actually as I have explained previously, the Afro-Haitians were speaking creole or French patois among each other but also with their masters. In Cuba, the slaves "retained patois as their primary idiom, while being subjected to a second process of transculturation in their new socio-economic situation" (Alén 1991: 79). Then, the name francés was attributed to the Afro-Haitian dances, songs, musical instruments, language and later to their societies and associations. Carpentier noted this tendency to associate the Haitian slaves’ practices with the name "French":

Fueron estos los abuelos de los negros que todavía llaman “franceses” en Santiago y que conservan un cierto numero de cantos y de bailes, elaborados en Santo Domingo. Cada sábado se reúnen a bailar en una de las dos asociaciones que subsisten en la ciudad, entregándose a las danzas genéricamente agrupadas bajo el titulo de tumba francesa, fiel reflejo de tradiciones créoles del siglo XVIII” (Carpentier 1946:130). 

[The grand-parents of the Black people were already named “franceses” in Santiago and had retained some songs and dances previously elaborated in Saint Domingue. Each Sunday, they meet together to dance in one of the associations that are still existing in the city. They devote themselves to the dances classified under the generic tumba francesa, faithful reflection of the 18th century Creole traditions] (My translation). 

We could contend that the word 'tumba francesa' comes from this Cuban association of Haitian immigrants and practices from Haiti as all being French. The word tumba comes from the word tambor in Bantu and in semi-Bantu cultures (Alén 1991: 82; Petro 1996: 143). In Cuba, the word tambor designated "a meeting of negro slaves dancing around their instruments" (Alén 1991: 82; Petro 1996: 143). Therefore, the term francesa or frances attached to the word tumba means a "Meeting of the French slaves" and refers to the cabildos of the Afro-Hatian slaves and also to the freed men and to the Cuban [5] .

It is important to mention here that the term tumba francesa refers both to the institutions and to the artistic manifestations that occurred in those institutions. Therefore, when they immigrated to Cuba, the French, the free blacks and the slaves brought their cultural and linguistics characteristics which were defined as being French and integrated them into the Cuban context. The 'French slaves' "vinieron ya con sus ritmos y pasos perfectamente formados en Haití y así se han seguido practicando" (Tamames 1955: 183) [came with their rhythms and steps, already formed in Haïti and that is how it came to be performed]. However, these societies as we know them today, as formal institutions, were not formed in Haïti but developed in Cuba. As we will see, historical pressures influenced the development of tumba francesa societies in Cuba.

Before the tumba francesa societies became one type of cabildo under the laws of Association of the Cuban Republic, the slaves in the coffee plantations were performing dances, music and songs which were later to be found within the tumba francesa societies. The Afro-Haitian slaves worked side by side on coffee plantations under the authority of French masters. Therefore, the French influences persisted on the practices of the slaves but also on the freed men in the urban Cuban communities such as Santiago de Cuba. A transculturation between the French and their Afro-Haitian slaves also occurred in the Cuban context. This situation continued practically unchanged until the middle of the 19th century. Soon, Cuban cultural aspects and historical pressures began to affect the practices of the 'French slaves' on the coffee plantations. As Alén explains (1977: 200),

El proceso de intercambio de elementos con el medio circundante no solo ocurrió en la música, sino que, de forma mas general podemos decir que las costumbres de los integrantes de estas sociedades fueron poco a poco penetradas y algunos de sus rasgos fundamentales sufrieron las modificaciones que les impuso la evolución social cubana. 

[The process of pattern exchanges in contact with the environment not only occurred with music but also in a broader way. The traditions of the participants taking part in these societies became penetrated and some of their features have been transformed due to the pressures brought by the Cuban social evolution] (My translation).

Not all the Afro-Haitian slaves who immigrated to Cuba took part in the tumba francesa societies (Yacou 1996: 83; Alén 1977: 198). Actually, it is the first descendants of the Afro-Haitian slaves who immigrated to Cuba and also Afro-Cubans, who first formed the tumba francesa associations, (Alén 1977: 198; 1991). The people forming the tumba francesa societies were the descendants of Haitians, black slaves and freed men, both Cuban and African.

Actually, during the 19th century, in the context of the Cuban Republic a new class emerged from the slave communities that were composed of the freed men. The "Guerra de los diez anos" [“The Ten Years War”] (1866-1876) and the abolition of slavery (1886) increased the number of freed men. Most of these freed men moved toward the urban or semi-urban sectors to find work (Alén 1977: 204; Yacou 1996: 83). They also grouped together under Cuban associations and cabildos. These freed men and women and their descendants “were allowed to gather in associations called cabildos, as long as current legislation regulating them was observed” (Alén 1991: 78). The societies or cabildos formed by the freed men were essentially mutual aid and recreational societies. These societies had a religious role and the religious beliefs of the participants were probably the result of different transculturations. In other words, the cabildos "served to preserve ancestral rituals and song and dance practices associated with religious beliefs” (Alén 1991: 78). The tumba francesa societies organized festivities that were held on specific occasions. These festivities were transmitting the Afro-Haitian traditions that were influenced by the Cuban culture. The tumbas francesas were increasing since slaves, Africans, freed men, Cubans and other Haitian descendants joined these societies. The tumbas francesas reached a peak at the end of the 19th century. Today, there are only two that still exist [6] . The tumba francesa societies were mutual aid groups and were also organizing festivities. Some of them also had an educational function. The mutual aid aspect of the tumba francesa is also an important characteristic of the cabildos in general (Tamames 1955).

The festivities held by the tumba francesa societies were probably the vehicle of religious beliefs and practices. However, I did not find any authors who specify what kind of religion was practiced in the tumba francesa ceremony. Most of the authors (Alén 1977; 1991; Martinez, 1984; 1999; Carpentier 1946; Ortiz 1947; Tamames 1955) focus their analysis on the tumbas francesas as recreational and mutual aid societies. I contend here that the tumba francesa societies probably held voodoo ceremonies because of the French influence. On the other hand, because of the Cuban influence, we could suspect that Santeria ceremonies were held in the tumba francesa institutions. I cannot however confirm these assumptions.

Nevertheless, some symbols found in the tumba francesa institution of Guantanamo could be interpreted as having religious connotations. During my fieldwork, I observed some Catholic representations in the room of the tumba francesa Society of Guantanamo. In one corner of the room of the Society, there was a shrine with a Catholic Saint. My informants told me that it was Santa Catalina de Riccis, the patron of the institution of Guantanamo. Also, the name of these societies used to refer to religious Saints: Santa Catalina de Riccis, La Caridad, San Juan Nepomuceno, San Miguel, Central San Antonio, etc. (Alén 1977: 200-201, Petro 1996: 145). Most of these institutions have disappeared since only two still exist today. Before the ceremony, participants offer a candle, a beverage, sometimes rum and other offerings to a statuette representing the Saint of the Society. We must be careful here in stating that there is an obvious 'syncretism' between African or Afro-Haitian beliefs and between Catholic ones as found in voodoo and reported by Herskovits (1937). It is important to look at the Cuban historical events that could explain why the tumba francesa were associated with Catholic Saints. At the end of the 19th century, Cuban authorities ordered that every cabildos or slave groups become regulated by the colonial Spanish Act of Associations (Alén 1977: 200; 1991: 78-79). As reported by Tamames, "En enero 1887 cuando el Gobernador General decreta que todos los cabildos deban ser inscriptos bajo la ley de asociaciones se les cambiaron los nombres" (1955: 26) [In January 1887, when the General Governor ordered that every cabildos had to be registered under the Law of Association, they all changed their names] (My translation). The cabildos or slave groups had to become identified with a Catholic Saint to be 'legal' or to have the right to perform and organize festivities.

It is at the end of the 19th century, in the urban and semi-urban areas, that the tumba francesa societies or institutions developed as we know them today. With the founding of the Cuban Republic in 1902, the tumba francesa societies also had to adjust to new socio-economic conditions. At the beginning of the 20th century, Cuba started to receive a lot of international investments. The sugar market with the United States became very important and this new socio-economic context directly influenced the artistic and folkloric manifestations on the island. The artistic manifestations became a way to attract Americans and other international investments. It is well known that before the revolution of 1959 lead by Castro, Cuba was almost an American state. There were a lot of casinos, hotels, and everything that goes with it such as prostitution, illegal activities and poverty. The tumba francesa became a tourist attraction since it is reported by Alén (1977) that they were surviving with the money of the ‘illegal’ players, "los juegos ilegales fueron impuestos a todos los centros de agrupación social, dentro de los cuales, los de la tumba francesa no fueron una excepción. (...) esto les estorbaba al desarrollo normal de sus bailes, fiestas, y demás actividades" (Alén 1977: 207) [The illegal games were imposed to all the social groups, in which the tumba francesa was not an exception. This bothered the normal development of its dances, celebrations and also its activities] (My translation).

With the Cuban Revolution of 1959, the tumba francesa societies came under the control of the "Consejo Nacional de Cultura" (National Council of Culture). At this time, only the two tumbas francesas that still exist today were active (Alén 1977: 208). The Cuban Ministry of Culture organized performances by the tumbas francesas in prestigious theaters in La Habana and Santiago de Cuba. Also, "se ha trabajado por la asimilacion de nuevos miembros o la reincorporacion de antiguos" (Alén 1977:208) [there has been an effort to recruit new members and re-enlist old ones] (My translation). Therefore, the Revolutionary government intended to preserve the tumba francesa societies and practices as a Cuban cultural particularity. As a result of the Revolution, the tumba francesa societies lost their mutual aid function since the Cuban government was taking them in charge. The government tried to encourage the artistic practices inside the tumba francesa (Alén 1977: 208-209; 1991: 75). The religious function of these societies at that time is not well known and I cannot affirm that they were vehicles of Afro-Cuban and Afro-Haitian beliefs.

As I will show later, since the 1990s, Cuba is undergoing a harsh economic crisis which also influenced the practices of the tumba francesa. These societies became more and more tourist attractions and they definitively lost their first functions which were mutual aid and recreational. These societies were also conveying Afro-Haitian practices and beliefs in general.

4- The tumba francesa and some of its particularities

As I showed in the last section, the tumba francesa practices have their origin in the Haitian transculturation but were formed and organized in Cuba (Yacou 1996). As Alén explains, "la sociedad como institución fue posterior (de los bailes en las cafetales) y de origen cubano" (Alén 1977: 203) [the formation of a society as an institution occurred subsequently (after the dances in the cafetales) and has Cuban origin] (My translation). This part is concerned with the ceremonies that are organized and practiced in the tumba francesa institutions today. I base most of this section’s analysis on my observations and fieldwork experiences in Cuba. Despite the fact that the tumba francesa institutions are Cuban, I will outline the Haitian and African origins of some of the artistic manifestations as some types of dances, songs and music. Since the tumba francesa had lost their mutual aid function since 1959, I will focus my analysis on their recreational, artistic and to a certain extent, religious activities.

During my fieldwork, I attended a tumba francesa ceremony in La Pompadu or Santa Catalina de Riccis in the city of Guantanamo. We were not allowed by the members of the Society to record the songs and the drum rhythms. During the ceremony, I took notes and tried to observe as much as possible. After the ceremony, I also added details and comments. The following is essentially based on my personal fieldwork observations and notes that were taken on the 22th of July 2000. I will also refer to descriptions of the ceremonies made by other ethnographers, (Alén and Ortiz) to give more precision and details and to support my assumptions. This description will allow me to develop further my analysis of the songs, dances, music and practices of the tumba francesa.

July, 22 

Guantanamo, Cuba

The tumba francesa is taking place in a large room and there are three very large windows. In one corner of the room, there is a shrine and a statue of Santa Catalina de Riccis, the patrona of La Pompadu. There is a candle, flowers and a sugarcane beverage offered to her. At the beginning of the ceremony, the principal actor who is the composé [7] welcomes us for attending the ceremony and explains to us what we are going to see. He begins with a loud voice (in French):”Bonsoir mesdames, bonsoir messieurs...”. During the tumba francesa ceremony, there are four important actors: the queen (who is sitting in the principal chair which looks like a throne), the president, a woman who is leading the dance, and a composé (who is a man leading the song). The queen is wearing a paper crown. ... During the whole ceremony, the drummers are playing for the dancers and the singers. The composé repeats a question during the dances and the dancers answer him. This exchange is done in créole or in Haitian patois. The sound of the drums is very impressive and strong. There are three principal drums and the president is playing a small one with a stick. The first dance is an obvious imitation of the French minuès. First, the men bow in front of the queen accompanied by women who curtsey to the queen. After, the men and the women join two by two and begin to dance. (...) All the men have a kerchief attached to their right arm. (...) 

The second dance is very special. One of the men attached other kerchiefs to his left leg and another around his left arm. The dancers are moving towards the sides of the room. One of the drummers comes to the middle of the room and plays in front of the dancer which has now three kerchiefs attached to his limbs. (...) Then, a spectacular thing happened. The drummer and the dancer seemed to be in competition with each other. There is a kind of battle between them for showing others who is the most outstanding. The dancer is moving his foot very rapidly and in a variable way. The drummer has to adapt the rhythm of his drum with the feet of the dancer. This competition lasts approximately two minutes. The competition happened twice during the tumba francesa ceremony with two different dancers. 

During the third dance, the dancers ask me to join them in the dance (!). A dancer went towards me and we danced a very simple kind of dance, similar to the minuès. After approximately five minutes he brought me back to my place. The whole ceremony lasted for approximately 45 minutes. At the end, the queen passed with a decorated calabash and asked for money. Participants pretended to put money on the calabash and the queen returned to her place. 

It is important to mention here that the tumbas francesas was a new phenomenon for me. Prior to this ceremony, I knew practically nothing about it, except its Afro-Haitian origins. Unfortunately, I omitted to inscribe important details that I forgot. In spite of all, I saw many similar points with what I observed and the descriptions of Cuban anthropologists. These descriptions also helped me to understand elements that I failed to observe or inscribe during the ceremony.

One of the first elements that struked me during the ceremony is the fact that the dancers were imitating the French minuès, a simple type of dance popular during the 18th century in France. Obviously, the dancers were acting a role. The women had dresses imitating those of the French aristocrat women. There was also a Queen and a President of the ceremony. On the other hand, there were drums and the African influence was obvious. All these elements caught my attention. This was also observed by Ortiz (1988) and by other ethnographers so it constitutes an important aspect of the tumbas francesas. I decided to analyze this phenomenon as a ‘role reversal’ or ‘social transgression’ since at the origin of the tumbas francesas, it was slaves and freed men who were dressed up as King, Queen and aristocrats. There is an obvious social reversal on the part of the slaves or freed men, today from the Cubans.

As I stated previously, this imitating phenomenon shows a radical role reversal since it was slaves who first practiced this ceremony. For example, Bacardi, (cited by Ortiz (1988)) observed a ceremony and noted the fact that there were French elements in dances of the slaves during the tumba. These behaviors were also observed in Haiti (Courlander 1973) emphasizing at the same time the importance of the first transculturation of the Haitian slaves with their French masters. As Courlander outlines, there was a dance in Haiti called “the Bal, which somehow resembles a faint caricature of the European ballroom”(1973: 73). The author also observes that during the Bal dance, there “seems to be a feeling of objective amusement among the dancers, a kind of laughing at themselves, or at people who dance that way” (Courlander 1973: 73). These imitating behaviors probably originated from the time when the slaves were allowed to group together and entertain themselves. These behaviors are still present in the tumba francesa since I observed them myself. The participants are acting as aristocrats and some take the roles of King, Queen or President. Therefore, the role reversal aspect is still present in the tumba francesa since the participants, who come for the most part from a lower socio-economic status, play the role of wealthy characters during the ritual [8] .

This type of imitating behavior and play could be compared with the role reversals that can be observed during Carnivals such as the one in Rio de Janeiro. Turner defines carnival as a form of play (1986: 124). Carnivals have often been interpreted by different scholars as an opposition to normal daily life, as a kind of role reversal (Parker 1997: 363; Turner 1986: 137; Leach 1966: 135-136). The study of Carnivals by different anthropologists gives me a good insight to understand this phenomenon occurring during the tumba francesa. Although the tumba francesa do not lend complete support to the view of Turner, I think that many elements can be understood with his study. The fact is that in anthropology, the study of rituals and ceremonies has often been limited to the study of sacred, magical and religious rituals (Moore & Myerhoff 1977: 3). But Turner recognizes that rituals or ceremonies, mainly in an urban context, can be secular and can be considered as a leisure activity (Turner 1977: 41).

I contend that the tumbas francesas were, or at least are currently, mostly secular in the sense that their main goal is not religious but rather has entertaining and artistic roles. During the ceremony, I observed a shrine and a Catholic Saint with offerings but I do not have enough evidence to contend and support that the tumbas francesas have a predominant religious role and that the participants were and are taking part in religious rituals inside of the tumba francesa societies. Tamames writes that since the epoch of the Republic of Cuba, the tumba francesa societies are “muy pocas religiosas” (1961: 27) [very little religious] (My translation). However, there were important religious aspects inside of the cabildos and by extension, probably also in the tumbas francesas. I recognize this important role despite the fact that I am not focusing on it and this is because I cannot unfortunately support it with academic materials. Therefore, I consider the tumbas francesas as predominantly secular artistic manifestations.

Despite the fact that Turner (1969, 1986) and Leach (1966) focused their study on religious and sacred rituals I think that many elements are still relevant to my analysis of the role reversals which occur during the tumba francesa ceremonies. Leach defines role reversal as a “true orgy” where “normal social life is played in reverse” (Leach 1966: 135). He writes that during role reversal ceremonies, “the participants play-act as being precisely the opposite to what they really are; men act as women, women as men, Kings as beggars, servants as masters” (Leach 1966:135). According to Turner, the liminal periods in which these behaviors can occur are characterized as periods of anti-structure (Erickson 1998: 132). Following the thought of Turner, these behaviors can also be observed “in times of carnival, or during a variety of initiation rites” (Erickson 1998: 132). This kind of transgression or role reversal was observed by anthropologists during the Carnaval of Rio de Janeiro (for example Scheper-Hughes 1988, Parker 1997). In the carnival, the poorest segments of the society become its focus: “In the carnaval, the poorest sambistas goes out to play costumed as a King of France or Portugal” (Parker 1997: 370).

These periods of anti-structure might provide “an opportunity to escape from the communitas of necessity (which is therefore inauthentic) into a pseudostructure where all behavioral extravagances are possible” (Turner 1969: 202). Turner writes that “The structurally inferior aspire to symbolic structural superiority in ritual” (1969: 203). This statement could explain why some of the slaves were dressed up as Kings, Queens and aristocrats during the tumbas francesas. Ortiz wrote that “El baile francés era para ellos una expresión de superior rango social. Era baile negro pero no africano; baile cortesano criollo cruzado, típico de Haití, que se envanecía de decirse francés” (Ortiz in Martinez Gordo 1985: 68) [For them, the French dance was an expression of a superior social rank. It was a Black people dance but not African; a mix Creole dance, having roots in Haiti but boasting to be French] (My translation). For the Haitian slaves, dancing a “French dance” was probably a way of demonstrating their superiority compared to other slaves of Afro-Cuban origins.

Obviously, the life of the slaves was not easy because of the inhuman treatments which were imposed on them. As the carnivals, the tumbas francesas provided and still provide a way to escape from the harshness of daily life. Parker writes in referring to carnivals that

This linear (and ultimately tragic) trajectory of one’s life is interrupted each year by the cyclical rhythm of the seasons, by the time outside of time, during carnaval, when the work and suffering of daily life give way to a world of risos (laughter)” (1998: 364).

The tumbas francesas which were held in particular days of the week, mostly Sundays could have been a way to escape the harsh daily conditions and also a way to come together with the other slaves and later freed men and other Afro-Cuban people. As proposed by Turner (1969), the slaves probably aspired to reach a structural superiority and the anti-structure of their collective ceremony allowed them to express that desire.

I am conscious that other explanations could provide another way to understand the role reversals that are occurring during the tumbas francesas. It could be a form of resistance since exchanges with other slaves could tend to make the slaves rebellious. It has been reported that inside these societies “ont surgi des sentiments anti-esclavagistes et en faveur de l’indépendance cubaine” (Martinez 1999: 83) [appeared anti-slavery feelings in favor of the Cuban independence] (My translation). In talking about the Mexican fiesta, Octavio Paz (1985: 50 and 52) explains that the particular structure of these kinds of meetings allow people to come together, exchange ideas and feel a sense of unity. He writes “The group emerges purified and strengthened from this plunge into chaos. It has immersed itself into its own origins, in the womb from which it came” (Paz 1985: 52). Or rather, as outlined by Courlander (1973: 73), the imitating or role reversal aspect could have been a way to laugh at their masters and a way to entertain themselves in an artistic way. However, I contend that the origin of the ceremonies that are occurring during the tumbas francesas comes from the slaves who were living in a particular repressed context. The tumba francesa could have been a way for them to escape from daily life matters.

Since the role reversal is still an important phenomenon occurring during the tumba francesa we can ask ourselves if this continuity comes from a conscious desire to perpetuate tradition or an unconscious need, still present in the mind of the Cuban participants, to express desires of being in a superior status or both or neither. The fact that role reversal is also present in other kinds of ‘secular’ ceremonies such as the Carnaval of Rio de Janeiro and also in some “Cargo cults [9] “ shows that this phenomenon is quite complex due to diverse cultural contacts. Turner explains that the “Brazilian culture has raised a traditional ritual of reversal” (1986: 137). The tumbas francesas have also created a tradition of role reversal which still has important social and cultural roles in the Cuban community or at least in its participants’ lives.

In this part, I wanted to show that the role reversal found in the tumbas francesas could be compared to the one also found in other festivities or ‘secular’ ceremonies such as carnivals. Many authors such as Turner (1969; 1986), Leach (1966) and Parker (1997) have also outlined this interesting aspect of liminality during rituals and its relation with stopping daily life matters. The ‘notion of time’ changes during the ceremony as the status of their participants. However, after the ceremony, “the group or category that is permitted to act as if they were structurally superior -(...)- is in fact, perpetually of a lower status” (Turner 1969: 176). This is what Turner would probably call the ‘structure and anti-structure” relationship.

The dances were very important components in the lives of the slaves and also the freed slaves. In fact, according to some authors, it was one of their favorite ways of expression, “El baile era la preferente diversión del negro esclavo, no solamente porque en Africa lo fue también, sino porque era favorecida por el amo por ser la mas inofensiva” (Ortiz 1988:218) [Performing dances was the favorite recreational activity of the Black person, not only because it was its favorite one in Africa but also because it was the less inoffensive one according to their masters] (My translation). The slaves were performing different types of dances with different types of influences depending on their origins. It is not surprising to observe today French and African influences in the dances found in the tumbas francesas. It appears that during the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century many types of dances were performed, but many have disappeared (Alen 1991). The dances performed in the tumbas francesas used to be called mason, babul or batiré, fronté, cocoyé, mangasila and cobrero (Petro 1996: 144).

As I outlined in the previous part, a dance inspired from the minuès is still performed by the Cubans during the tumba francesa ceremony. According to Alen (1991: 81) and Petro (1996: 145), this dance is called mason and it represents “an imitation of the dances seen by slaves at the mansion of their French masters” (Alen 1991: 82). Often, the festivities feature dances that are led by a mayor or mayora de plaza (Alen 1991, Tamames 1955: 27). Some of the dances have been inspired by the French minués but also by the French contradanza (Petro 1996: 145). Obviously, the minuès dance has French-Haitian origins. In Cuba, the minuès or mason, was also danced by a minority of rich people but when the Haitian slaves and their French masters immigrated to Cuba, they popularized it, “Antes de la llegada de los franceses, el minué era bailado, solamente, en un circulo reducidisimo de la aristocracia cubana. Ahora, los fugitivos lo popularizaban” (Carpentier 1946: 128) [Before the French immigration, the minuès was performed in a limited aristocrat circle. It has now been popularized by the fugitives] (My translation). The minuès or mason and other similar dances have been described by the Cuban ethnologist Carpentier, “Las danzas son de pareja suelta, con figuras corteses copiadas de los antiguos bailes del Cabo y de Port-au-Prince” (1946: 130) [These are partner dances that have old courteous steps copied from the dances of Cabo and Port-au-Prince] (My translation). The minuès which is performed during the tumbas francesas and which is an important element of its ceremony comes from the transculturation between the French and their slaves in Haiti. However, this tradition was brought and developed in the tumbas francesas, in Cuba.

There is also another type of dance I observed during my fieldwork which is called the fronté or frente and which has African roots (Alen 1991: 82). The fronté comes from an oldest remaining dance called yoruba. In fact, the fronté is the last part of the yoruba which combines a series of dance steps and other choreographic elements (Alen 1991:82). In Cuba, I described this dance as “an improvisational fight between one drummer and one dancer” (my notes: 2000). Alén (1995) describes the fonté as a dance where the drummer has to concentrate only on the rhythmic richness of his drum. He writes, “The premier player will always try to make his rhythmic improvisations so complex that the dancer will lose the rhythm or simply be unable to follow it; otherwise the dancer wins the challenge. When the duel between drummer and dancer is very close, the winner is determined by the applause of the spectators” (Alén 1995: 56).The two particular dances I observed during the ceremony in Guantanamo are artistically rich. They are the result of different influences and cultural contacts that came together to form an original cultural manifestation. These dances are accompanied by various musical and rhythmic components.

At the opposite of the mason, the musicality of the tumbas francesas has definite African roots. In talking about the Haitian slaves, Herskovits explains that the music forms are entirely African in their rhythmic structure (reported by Carpentier 1946: 130). Alen also writes that “The arrangement of the rhythmic functions of each drum according to register is clearly African in character” (1991: 83). Therefore, the music forms are entirely African in their rhythmic structure.

When the slaves arrived in the Caribbean, they reconstructed the drums which were important for the celebrations of their rites. The drums in Cuba and in the Caribbean in general, come from different ethnic groups such as Yoruba, Carabali, Iyesa, Egbado, Mina, Arara, Mandinga, Yolofe, and many others (Martinez Furé 1991: 28). In addition to have religious roles, the drums were also symbols of resistance and revolt since they were used to send messages to neighboring plantation slaves (Martinez Furé 1991: 28).

The musicality of the tumbas francesas is essentially composed of a set of drums. The drums of the tumbas francesas ceremony are very important since they give rhythm to the dancers and an original atmosphere to the ceremony. Also, the drums have a predominant role and an important significance for the Afro-Cubans since in Africa, they were often associated with religious and magical beliefs:

Object of veneration and cult worship for some, cursed and prohibited by others; regarded as messenger of the gods and incarnation of the ancestors in the black religions of Cuba; victim of confiscations and slashings by racist and reactionary authorities, the drum has had a fate parallel to that of the black man, its creator par excellence (Martinez Furé 1991: 27).

It is important to mention here that there are secular and sacred drums. The sacred drums are only used in ceremonial rituals since they “confirm(s) the rebirth of the initiates in the religion” (Martinez Furé 1991: 38). On the other hand, the secular drums are used in non-religious music and they do not require any ceremonies for their usage or for their construction (Martinez Furé1991: 40). In Cuba, there are many types of secular drums such as the ones found in congas, rumbas and sones (Martinez Furé 1991). I contend that drums which are used in the tumbas francesas are probably secular since I do not know any author referring to ceremonies associated with the usage and the construction of its drums. Also, since the tumbas francesas are mostly secular in nature (at least today) we can admit that probably so are the drums.

The particularities of the drums used in the tumbas francesas show different processes of transculturation between various cultures. In talking about the drums found in the tumbas francesas, Carpentier writes, “Sus tambores son anchos y chatos, de forma abarrilada, adornados con pinturas. Se tocan con baqueta - como los del vodu haitiano -, aunque observan la tensión “abotonada” por cunas, mas característica de la isla de que provienen” (1946: 130) [The tumba francesa drums are large and flat, have a barrel shape and are decorated with paintings. It is played with sticks – as the Haitian voodoo – but it has tension particularities that come from the island of origin] (My translation). The Arara drums from West Africa served as models for the drums found in the tumbas francesas, more particularly for the parchment-tightening aspect (Alén 1991: 82). The tumbas francesas are composed of three principal drums (Petro1996, Carpentier 1946: see illustration 1). These are named the first drum (premier or redublé), the second drum (segon) and the bula or bébé (Petro 1996: 144). The premier is the biggest drum with the lower pitch. It is used during improvisational performances and as a leader in the introduction of the pieces (Alén 1991: 81). In addition, there is a small drum named cata (a cylindrical wooden idiophone) which has Bantu ancestry and which is played with sticks (palitos or bwa-cata) (Petro 1996: 144; Alén 1991: 81). The fact that the cata is played with sticks rather than with the palm of the hand shows a French influence (Alén 1991: 83). The French, used to play a drum named tambourin which was played with sticks and which has resemblance to the cata. There is also another small drum named the tambora, a two-headed drum, which is played during the mason dance (Alén 1991: 81).

Each of these drums has their particularities and is used for different dances and purposes. There are also New World particularities or influences as the paintings of dots, lines and stars on the body of the drums (Alén 1991: 83). Also, as Alén writes, the “use of mechanical nut-and-bolt tightening mechanisms and metal rings around the body of the drum to reinforce its structure when cracks appear” are presumably New World innovations (Alen 1991: 82-83). All these features show the complexity of the relations and influences between the different cultures in contact. It also shows new innovations that are due to new geographic and cultural contexts in the Caribbean.

The rhythms and the choice of drums depend on the type of dances that are going to be performed. Transcriptions of the rhythms into musical notations have been done by ethnomusicologists such as Alén (1991; 1995), Petro (1996) and in Haiti, by Courlander (1973). The rhythms are definitively of African origins (Alen 1991). The process of transculturation is also observable in the rhythms of the drums and in its technical and musical analysis (Alén 1991).

Also part of the musicality of the tumbas francesas are its songs and its lyrics. One of the most important figures during a tumba francesa ceremony is the solo singer or the composé. He is the one that “leads the chorus in alternating call-and-response passages” (Alén 1991: 80). Traditionally, the solo singer used to improvise song texts in Haitian Creole or French patois. The statement of a theme and its repetition by a chorus has African origins (Herskovits reported by Courlander 1977: 73). Since the participants do not speak Haitian Creole anymore, some spontaneous and improvisational parts of the tumbas francesas do not persist today (my observations 2000). The chorus is composed of the singers and of the drummers who are taking part into the ceremony.

According to Martinez, the songs “ayudan a confirmar lo planteado acerca del fenómeno de transculturacion en general”(1984: 79) [help to confirm the assumption of the transculturation phenomenon in general]. According to the same author (who is a linguist), it is possible to observe the different transculturations that occurred in Haïti and in Cuba. First, the use of Haitian Creole in the songs of the tumbas francesas clearly shows a first transculturation which occurred in Haïti between the Africans and their French masters, “Los textos de los cantos de la tumba francesa mantiene los rasgos de la oración del haitiano” (Martinez 1985: 41) [The lyrics of the tumba francesa songs have the features of the Haitian plea (or prayer)] (My translation). This interesting phenomenon did not occur in Cuba since the slaves learnt Spanish. According to Martinez (1984; 1985, Martinez & Pelly 1986), we can observe Spanish influence in the lyrics of the tumba francesa songs showing at the same time a second transculturation between the Haitian and the Afro-Cubans slaves. Martinez writes that “El grado de penetración del español en los textos de la tumba francesa va desde la inclusión de un solo vocablo o algún rasgo gramatical dentro de un contexto haitiano hasta la de un canto escrito totalmente en español” (Martinez 1985: 66) [The degree of Spanish features found in the lyrics of the songs vary. It goes from the insertion of one word or a particular grammatical feature in a Haitian context, to a song all written in Spanish] (My translation). According to Ortiz, the contact between the Haitians and the Afro-Cubans produced a linguistic transculturation (reported by Martinez 1984: 71; 1985: 65). Another very interesting phenomenon outlined by Martinez (1984) is the fact that it is also possible to observe bozal [10] characteristics in the lyrics of the songs of the tumbas francesas. Bozal characteristics in the lyrics of the tumba francesa songs demonstrate again the importance of the contacts between the Haitians and the Afro-Cubans.

The elements which formed the tumba francesa ceremony come from different stages of transculturation that come primarily from contacts between Afro-Cuban and Afro-Haitian slave communities. The particularities mentioned above are all interrelated artistic and cultural manifestations. I divided them in different parts because it is easier to analyze them. Obviously, it is the sum of its parts and their interrelations that make the whole. In this section, I first gave my own observations while I observed a tumba francesa ceremony in Guantanamo. Then, according to my observations, I divided its most important characteristics. I discussed the role reversals, the dances and the music performed during the ceremony. This section allowed me to support my observations with secondary materials written by anthropologists and ethnomusicologists.

A Discussion about Authenticity and Tourism: The tumbas francesas of today

Far from being static, the tumbas francesas are changing with the social and economic realities of Cuba. The particularities of the ceremony I described in the last section have to be understood as changeable and transformable since the process of transculturation is a never-ending one. The new members of the tumbas francesas always influence the dances, the music and the practices of the ceremonies in integrating new cultural phenomena. In this section, I want to discuss the phenomena of authenticity and tourism. I will refer more particularly to interviews I conducted in Cuba with Haitian descendants that do not recognize anymore the tumbas francesas as representing their Afro-Haitian, or as they say their “French” culture [11] . According to them, the ceremony has been transformed and it does not still correspond to what it was before. Obviously, the tumbas francesas have been commercialized and they became tourist attractions.

Since Cuba became a Republic (1902), the tumbas francesas have been influenced by the tourist industry due to an increase in international investments, essentially by the Americans. As I have explained in a previous section, this had an influence on the cultural and artistic development of the tumbas francesas. Before and at the beginning of the 19th century, they were important societies of mutual aid due to socio-economic transformations. Soon, they had to perform in front of tourists to be able to survive economically. Only two tumbas francesas existed at the time of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 and these are the ones that are still performed today (Alén 1977: 208). With the Cuban Revolution, the tumbas francesas lost their first role of assistance and mutual aid. The aesthetic component of the tumbas francesas became the focus point. The government took them in charge and they played in many prestigious theaters of La Habana and Santiago de Cuba (Alén 1977: 208). The tumbas francesas became essentially artistic and folkloric manifestations; they were shown as an Afro-Cuban and Haitian tradition.

Since the 1990s, Cuba is having a severe economic crisis because of the Soviet Union collapse. The Cuban government decided to focus its economy on the development of the tourist industry. As Martin de Holan & Phillips write, “In a dramatic reversal of its previous policy, the Cuban government identified tourism as a strategic sector of the economy shortly after 1989” (1997: 783). This new strategy focusing on the development of the tourist industry in Cuba influenced again the tumbas francesas which had to face a different economic and social context. We can suspect that the tumbas francesas, according to the Cuban government, had and still have a potential power of attraction for the international but also domestic tourists since they are easily marketable. In fact, because of their artistic and performative nature, the tumbas francesas have the potentiality of being marketable. In talking about ethnic groups and cultures, Firat writes that “Cultures of all types -ethnic, national, regional and the like- that are able to translate their qualities into marketable commodities and spectacles find themselves maintained, experienced, and globalized” (Firat 1995: 18).

This is an aspect that is quite frequent and surprising in Cuba. When I was doing fieldwork, I noticed many times that the government was trying to transform everything or almost everything into tourist attractions. For instance, La Casa de las Religiones in Santiago de Cuba, used to be a place where social scientists such as sociologists, anthropologists and historians were working, doing research and publishing academic books, articles and journals. It was a kind of institution for the social sciences research sponsored by the state. When we went there to consult their ‘library’ (that we never saw) we discovered that this house was in fact a tourist place where we could visit different shrines in different rooms representing the various religions in Cuba. This was an interesting concept but the pathetic reality is that the social scientists had become tourist guides. During an interview with the historian Rafael Duarte, we discussed this problematic [12] . There is an obvious desire on the part of the state to attract tourists to Cuba and to develop this industry. I have to point out here that more than 1,7 million tourists visited Cuba in 1999, 21% more than in 1998 (Reuters 1999). Fidel Castro’s government was aiming for 2 million tourists in 2000 (Reuters 1999). Obviously, this fairly new Cuban industry has considerable effects on the population. As Wood writes, “the effects of tourism often extend far beyond the immediate sites of tourist-local interactions” (1998: 220). In addition to the marketable nature of the tumbas francesas, they also offer an interesting aspect of cultural diversity. It is well accepted that “Tourism is a major mode of both visualizing and structuring that diversity, as well as generating it” (Wood 1998: 221). Because of their Afro-Haitian nature, the tumbas francesas offer cultural diversity for the tourists.

For all these reasons, the tumbas francesas have definitively became tourist attractions for Cubans but also and essentially for international tourists. Today, it is easy to have information on the tumba francesa Societies on the net. For instance, the tumba francesa institution La Pompadu of Guantanamo has a web site. Another tourist site is outlining the tumbas francesas’ exoticism,

Guantánamo has its own Tumba Francesa, a colorful folk dance tradition originating in Haiti. (...) The Post Office and the Casa de la Cultura are on the west side and the Tumba Francesa on the east (http://gotcuba.com/guantanamocuba.html). 

Despite the fact that the tumbas francesas have French-Haitian influences, the Haitian descendants do not recognize the tumbas francesas as representing their own ‘French’ culture and legacy. In fact, I did not meet any Cuban of Haitian origin who was participating in the festivities of the tumbas francesas [13] . Luciana, for example, lives in Guantanamo close to the tumba francesa association. She is a Haitian descendant from the second wave of Haitian migration [14] which occurred at the beginning of the 20th century. In an interview that she gave us on the 23th of July 2000, in Haitian Creole, she said that she does not go to the tumba francesa because the ceremony is on Tuesdays and she usually works during that day. However, there are ceremonies during other days of the week. Some informants are more explicit and clearly state that the tumba francesa is not representing anymore their ‘French’ culture and legacy. For example, Emelina, Renaldo, Hilda and Reina live in a small village named La Esperanza located 20 minutes from Guantanamo. In an interview they gave us on July 25, 2000, they explained that the tumbas francesas were not representing the Haitian music and dances. Renaldo explained that the drums were different and that they were not of Haitian roots. They said that the tumbas francesas have changed, that they have been transformed. According to them, even the language in the ceremony of the tumbas francesas is not the same. Obviously for them, the tumbas francesas does not represent Haitian culture. They recognize the fact that the tumbas francesas were formed in Cuba by Haitian slaves but they state that the ceremony has lost its authenticity, that it has changed. In other words, these informants do not recognize the tumbas francesas as a cultural artifact of their culture and they do not feel a sense of belonging to these associations. Bernalda Sevillano, a Cuban who is doing a thesis on the Haitian community of La Esperanza agrees with them and told it to us in an interview she gave us the same day.

Then what has changed in the tumbas francesas so that the Haitian descendants do not recognize it anymore as part of their Haitian legacy? The tourist industry has definitively transformed the ceremony of the tumbas francesas. These transformations have occurred before the Revolution (in the 1950s) and the tumbas francesas are transformed again since the new economic policies of 1989. Olivia Labady Chery is the president of the Asociacion de Residentes y Desendientes de Haitianos en Guantanamo [The Association of the Haitian Residents and Descendants of Guantanamo]. She gives Creole language courses every Saturday. She is working for the conservation of the Haitian culture in Cuba. In an interview she gave us on the 26th of July, she explained to us that one of the reasons why the tumbas francesas have changed is due to the pressures brought by the tourist industry. She said that the tumbas francesas have been commercialized, transformed and ‘folklorized’.

Tourism has without any doubts influenced the ceremonies of the tumbas francesas transforming them into a solely artistic activity essentially composed of Cubans, not necessarily descendants from Haitians. However, I think that there is also another important reason why the Haitian descendants of today do not feel a sense of belonging to these societies. The informants we interviewed are all from the second Haitian wave of migration to Cuba. According to Tamames, “las siguientes inmigraciones negras de Haití no aportaron nada al desarrollo de la tumba francesa” (1961: 13) [the following waves of Black Haitian immigration did not bring something new to the development of the tumbas francesas] (My translation). In other words, the subsequent Haitian immigrants did not influence the artistic practices of the tumbas francesas. We can even suspect that they never took part in it. There seems to have a kind of ‘cultural gap’ between the first migration and the second as if the descendants from the second migration did not recognize the tumbas francesas as representing their ‘French’ legacy. According to them, these artistic manifestations are foreign to their ‘French-Haitian’ legacy.

One of the conclusion we reached after our fieldwork in the light of our data is that today, we cannot find any traces of Haitian Creole from the first wave of Haitian migration. As I write in the fieldwork report, “We know that there is no trace of Haitian Creole from the first migration of Haitians who came in Cuba, during and after the Haitian Revolution” (Boudreault-Fournier 2000: 12). All the Haitian descendants that have origins in the first wave of migration are fully integrated in the Cuban community and therefore they all speak Spanish. We can then suppose that Cubans who are descendants of Haitians who immigrated at the end of the 18th century do not even know that they have Haitian origins since they are fully integrated in the Cuban community. Even if they know it, it probably does not influence much of their life since this migration occurred more than 200 years ago.

The fact that Cubans who have Haitian origins from the first migration do not exist as a definite separate group and the fact that the Cubans who have origins from the second generation judge the tumbas francesas as not representing their ‘French’ legacy, could explain the lack of Haitian descendants in the tumbas francesas of today. The Haitian descendants from the second migration do not recognize this cultural manifestation as their own and this has to do more with the ‘sense of belonging’ than with the effect of tourism on the authenticity of the ceremony. The belief that the tumbas francesas are foreign to them is understandable since this artistic manifestation is a Cuban phenomenon and was already developed when their Haitian ancestors immigrated in the 1920s.

In this context, the notion of authenticity is hard to discuss since many factors can explain why the informants did not consider the tumbas francesas as concrete legacy of their culture. The tumbas francesas are now tourist attractions but they were also before the 1960s. The tumbas francesas have Afro-Haitian origins but it is clear that now it has become a Cuban original artistic manifestation. The Cubans created a new tradition. Because of the pressures of tourism, the tumbas francesas had to adapt and change some of their artistic components. Also, as I have shown, the background of the Haitian descendants of today, in Cuba, can explain in addition to the tourist pressures why these people are not taking part in the tumba francesa ceremonies and institutions.

Conclusion

The tumbas francesas went through different kinds of socio-economic contexts. The first transculturation that gave most of the aesthetic components of the tumbas francesas occurred in Saint Domingue when the African slaves who were originating from diverse regions of Africa met the cultural and artistic manifestations of their masters. Far from being a passive assimilation, the African slaves and later the Haitians embraced some of the practices of their masters but always kept their own original performances. Then, the owners of sugar cane plantation but mostly coffee plantations immigrated to Cuba after the Haitian revolution at the end of the 19th century. The owners did not immigrate alone since they brought their slaves with them. Some freed slaves also immigrated in Cuba. The slaves continued to come together and performed their dances, songs and religious practices. In Cuba, the tumbas francesas became official institutions which were constructed at the image of the Cuban cabildos. The second phase of transculturation was already started in this new socio-economic and cultural context. The tumbas francesas are still changing since the process of transculturation is a never-ending one. Tourism is affecting the way the tumba francesa artistic manifestations are performed. Therefore, the Haitian descendants in Cuba do not perceive the tumbas francesas as representing their French-Haitian culture.

The different transculturations that gave birth and form to the tumbas francesas demonstrate well the complexity of the cultural manifestations produced by cultural contacts. There are many cultural manifestations that take form through the process of transculturation and the tumbas francesas are only one example. There is another well studied cultural phenomenon that comes from Haïti and was developed in Cuba and later brought to Veracruz, Mexico: the danzon. The danzon is interesting since it shows that as with the tumbas francesas, cultural contacts can produce new and original artistic manifestations. The word ‘danzon’ comes from French and means ‘Let’s dance’. This dance is very famous in Veracruz and it shows another similar type of transculturation which has many common features with the tumba francesa. Before being famous in Veracruz, some of the danzon particularities were imported in Cuba by French-Haitian. The similarities between the history of the danzon and the tumba francesa is striking. Averill explains that “The Cuban contradanza, danza, and later danzon were descended from the contredanse brought to Cuba by planters and their slaves who migrated from Saint Domingue in the period surrounding the Haitian revolution” (Averill, 1999:132). According to the same author, this type of dance is still preserved in the tumbas francesas (Averill 1999:132). Despite the fact that I did not come across any reference for this argument, I think that it is quite interesting since the danzon looks like the French minuès.

The danzon was a dance performed by the middle class in Cuba (Carpentier 1946:125) which could explain the fact that it did not have a great influence inside the tumbas francesas since as we know, these institutions were predominantly formed by slaves and freed men. This type of dance became rapidly popular among Cubans who influenced the music with their Afro-Cuban rhythms (Martinez Furé 1991:30). The danzon, as with the tumbas francesas, was developed in Cuba, “Until the second part of the nineteenth century, the contradanza remained the favorite dance of the Cuban people, although subsequently replaced by other genres, like the danza and the danzon which developed out of it”(Martinez Furé 1991: 30). Also, the fact that the danzon is now famous in Veracruz shows that transculturations in general are never-ending processes. Cultural contacts always influence artistic manifestations which give birth to other subsequent original cultural manifestations. The use of the term transculturation is more appropriate than syncretism, acculturation or assimilation because as I have shown, cultures in contacts influence each other in very complex ways.

The tumbas francesas have become tourist attractions and they are not anymore associated with the Haitian descendant communities in Cuba. In a sense, the tourist industry had made and is maintaining a tourist cultural artifact. This cultural appropriation by the state and the tourist industry comes from the fact that the tumbas francesas were easily marketable. The same thing is happening with voodoo ceremonies that now have become voodoo dances performed in front of tourists in search for exoticism and diversity. Some people such as Olivia Labdy Chery are deploring this phenomenon and are searching for a cultural revival in giving classes of Haitian Creole and in trying to unify the Haitian descendants (Interview).

Despite all, the tumbas francesas are, according to Tamames, the ones which have conserved “con mayor puridad la forma y el espiritu de los cabildos” (1961: 26) [with great purity, the form and the spirit of the cabildos] (My translation). The tumbas francesas are still to a certain extent representing the beliefs and traditions of the Afro-Cuban and Afro-Haitian slaves who developed those societies. These have rich folkloric values (Alén 1991: 84) and I think these are important to understand and study. Many steps have to be taken to understand the complexity of these two last surviving tumbas francesas artistic manifestations since they represent an important part of the Haitian but essentially the Cuban history and identity. The following citation from Fernando Ortiz was inscribed on the wall of the tumba francesa La Pompadu in Guantanamo close to the shrine of the patron of the society and the picture of Fidel Castro. It illustrates well the complexity and the beauty of this fascinating artistic manifestation:

“La Tumba Francesa constituye un importante capitulo del folklore nacional de Cuba, de sorprendente vitalidad. 

Su Música es bella, sus ritmos son peculiares y muy atractivas, sus melodías tienen el arcaico bouquet francés, como el viejo rhum haitiano o el eau de vie colonial de los tiempos napoleónicos...”

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[1] Also known as Santa Catalina del Guaso Reformada and Santa Catalina de Riccis.

[2] The translations from Spanish to English, and from French to English are approximates. I tried to give the same idea or sense but obviously it is not always an easy process since I am not a translator. I leave the original versions so the reader can refer to it at anytime.

[3] The French part of Saint Domingue became Haïti in 1804. The whole island which is today composed of both Haïti and the Dominican Republic was first known as Hispaniola.

[4] Many of the Haitian descendants in Cuba still do not want to say that they are of Haitian origin. It happens that many people do not even know that they are Haitian descendants. Also many do not want to say it and just be Cuban. This also comes from the Haitian discrimination on the part of the other Cubans (Interviews and personal observations, during fieldwork 2000).

[5] In this essay, I keep the original name of the tumba francesa to refer to the Afro-Haitian cabildos in Cuba.

[6] Some historians such as Duarte (interviewed in July 31, 2000), states that there is another tumba francesa in a rural area, near Holguin called Bejuco. I did not come across any reference to this particular tumba francesa. It could be interesting to find out if this society still really exists since this institution is not well known and never has been the subject of study (Duarte 2000). 

[7] The composé is the cantor or singer, the soloist. (Alen 1991:80)

[8] In Cuba, we can still talk of a relative equity between the social classes. However, most of the participants who take part in the tumba francesa are from the neighborhood La lima del chivo, in Guantanamo, which is known for its lower socio-economic status even in Cuba. I am also using the term lower socio-economic status in comparing them with First World countries. I do not want to convey any value judgements here but only make a comparison between people in Third World countries and King, Queen and aristocrats.

[9] “Cargo cults” are another example of a people attempting “to replicate the European social structure” (Turner 1969:191).

[10] Bozal is defined as “una jerigonza especial para comunicarse con los bozales de la negradas en las plantaciones” (Ortiz 1988:220) [a special gibberish used to communicate with the bozales of the slaves barracks in the plantations] (My translation) . Bozal was not spoken in Haiti (Fournier 2000; personal interview).

[11] The interviews have been recorded. To respect their anonymity, I am not using their real names.

[12] This interview was done on July 31, 2000. Rafael Duarte is a historian who work at the Archive Center, in Santiago de Cuba.

[13] My sample is far from being representative. I had official interviews with only 14 Cubans of Haitian origin.

[14] There have been two important waves of Haitian migration. The first wave of immigration was composed of slaves, freed men and masters and occurred after the Haitian Revolution of 1794-1801. The second wave of immigration occurred at the beginning of the 20th century when Haitians but also Jamaicans immigrated to Cuba to work on the sugar cane plantations. Most of the Cubans who have Haitian descendants come from this second wave of migration (20th C.).